Germany'S MINISTRY FOR CHEATURES AND MORAV, PRAGUE (1906) 1939 - 1945 (1965), inv. 986, sig. 110-9/2 (damaged)

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English Translation

The case of Argentina By JUAN IVERSEN A few weeks ago, the breakdown of the relations between Argentina and the Axis powers a did not come as a surprise. However, it took place with an abruptness, which could only be attributed to exceptional circumstances. The change in Argentina's foreign policy, which was preceded by a whole series of public and categorical government statements on an iron neutrality policy, is closely linked to the Bolivian case. As is well known, the Penaranda government was overthrown there at the end of 1943 and replaced by a new one under the chairmanship of President Villaroel. The coup d'état made a big mark with the North American policy, which had finally achieved with the Peneranda government that the tin production of the country should be increased with all possible means. Penaranda had shot the tin workers with machine guns when they tried to improve their humane existence and went on strike. The misery that reigns among these Indians, who work at an altitude of more than 4000 meters from morning to evening for a wage that hardly exceeds the purchase value of 1.25 RM, ridicules every description. Only those who have convinced themselves of how these unfortunate people are exploited can understand it at all. Penaranda's order to shoot had caused a great deal of indignation among the Bolivian population, but it seemed impossible to change this outrage into any tangible action, given the unconditional support that Penarand had received from the U.S. government. It is practically impossible from here to overlook the details of the coup d'état Villaroel. It is certain, however, that the change was welcomed by the people with a cheer that even the strict North American censorship could not completely hide. Cordell Hull immediately raised the heaviest guns. He said that the US would never recognize a violently established government anywhere in Ibero-America, yes, he went even further and, in a circular, called on all members of the Pan-American Union to undertake to acknowledge the new Bolivian government only if all members agreed. The fate of the government of Villaroel seemed to be settled when out of the blue there was recognition by the Argentine government. No explanation was given in Buencs Aires, only the fact as such communicated to the newspapers and the radio. This meaningful step of Argentina had reasons to look for in the traditional Argentine politics. Ever since there has been a strong rivalry between Argentina and Brazil for the supremacy in South America. However, while Brazil damaged its external standing by a series of revolutions, Argentina pursued its goal with plan. The establishment of the "Estado Novo" under the dictatorial president Vargas was not able to disturb Argentina's increasingly intensive foreign trade with Uruguay, Paraguay and Bolivia. Vargas had too much to do with Brazil's internal reorganization, so he could not prevent Argentina's reputation from rising from year to year and Buenos Aires becoming more and more a political and economic metropolis of South America. At the conference in Rio de Janeiro in 1942, when, at the instigation of the United States, all members of the Pan-American Union were to unanimously cut off relations with the Axis powers, the Argentine-Brazilian oppositions şcharf were illuminated. Already a few months after the conference, there had been enough details to indicate that, from the very beginning, Brazil had unconditionally submitted to Roosevelt's and Sumner Welle's wishes and played a very deceitful role during the conference. The fact is that Argentina's Foreign Minister Ruiz Guinazu, from the first day of the conference, had made it clear and clear that Argentina would continue to be neutral, but would be willing to grant the United States and England every possible relief in the Argentine ports in order to fulfil its pan-American obligations. All the lures and threats of Sumner Welle failed due to the calm determination of the then Argentine Foreign Minister. The fact is that in the hall of Copacabana's hotel Ruiz Guinazu and Sumner Welles had a clash that ended with Ruiz Guinazu shouting to the North American Under-Secretary of State with a high red look: "Gringo, Argentina is not a nation of slaves. Remember this and report this to your boss. - Ruiz Guinazu returned to Buenos Aires and was congratulated there for his energetic attitude. Vice-President, later President Castillo was a proven advocate of Argentina's neutrality policy because he could not see any advantages for his country in any other direction. He had often explained that aggressors had no interest in "the war that took place on a foreign continent. Nevertheless, his internal political difficulties were great, and his strict neutrality policy was probably one of the few things approved by a majority of the people. Now the domestic policy of the Ibero-American countries has always been a plentiful matter, which could hardly be pursued and understood from Europe in all the important details. It listened to years of greatest attention in the country itself, in order to be able to pursue the angle-advocacy features and opposites of the individual parties. It seems, however, to be certain, after careful consideration, that the coup d'état of the military junta, which overthrowed Castillo, took place in consultation with Castillo himself. Internal political problems had considerably weakened Castillo's position, and responsible Argentines feared a change of government, in which neutrality policy could also be threatened, all the more so when North American money kept the opposition in flux and made it appear stronger from week to week. After a few days the new government of General Ramirez sat firmly in the saddle.