English Translation

C 97/ a detd dee ae dar p daetd dn dau ad da ar a release virtually leads to the destruction of the substance of their peoples or the substance in individual layers within these peoples. Again and again it is recognized that Bolshevism and Americanism are fundamental opponents of the people's forces that have hitherto supported European culture. Both world systems deny economic status, socially speaking, the peasants, the craftsmanship and the own-grown intellectual classes. This situation also explains that the conditions for a European civil war exist everywhere. The predominantly peasant peoples of the south-east and east recognize as their future the destruction of their actual substance, since Bolshevism has not made any changes in its collectivist course in the field of agricultural policy, in contrast to some other forms of life. The internal difficulties encountered by Bolshevik politics in Bulgaria, Romania, Finland and parts of Ukraine are explained by the resistance of the peasant population and the intelligence that emerged from it. In the West and South, the peoples begin to realize that the American plu- tocracy, on the one hand, pushes broad strata down into the existence of impoverished proletarians, and on the other hand prepares large-scale economic enterprises that make the previous concept of property illu- ble in the European sense. In particular, the more insightful among Western and Southern European leaders feel that Europe for Wall Street is merely an object of creation and a strategic advance for demarcations and agreements with Bolshevism. In view of the fact that the American plutocracy and the Bolsheviks are increasingly recognized as the mortal enemy of the substans of the European peoples in the course of the development of their occupation policy, the question arises whether these peoples recognize their own salvation in a rescue from the European centre. It is not just a question of these peoples overcoming the disillusionment research they have often experienced during the German occupation period, but also of whether they trust us all, that we have learned from the experiences of the last few years and are prepared to realize a sense of genuine and strong European conception. The German answer to the questions that are being asked to us by all the peoples or large parts of the people is made more difficult by the fact that there are considerable doubts in the German people about the correctness of the path to date and the possibilities for a positive future development. In particular, there is the impression that in broad circles the ability to think for other peoples and then to act accordingly is faltered. From this it is possible that a sober assessment of the overall situation of the empire both domestically and externally requires clarifications on essential fundamental questions.