Rudolf and Humprecht Czernin from Chudenic © Heydrichiada victims from Czech nobility

Page 4

English Translation

34 2014/04 the memory and history of the study and articles Nobleness (not only) in the Czech lands lived in an age-old tension with land property, the main source of income in the period prior to the occupation. However, the Nazis also put great emphasis on the ground in the spirit of restoring German peasant status. The relationship of the Nazi regime to the soil as such was a follow-up to a number of thought streams with often very idealistic features.21 So shortly after the occupation of the rest of the Czech countries, the Nazis logically dominated the key office in charge of the land acquired under the first land reform, the Land Office. In the first months of the occupation not- chal Curt von Gottberg, the chief of this office- du re-baptized on Bodenamt, placed forced administration on the land of originally Jewish owners of approximately 16 000 ha. By the end of 1940 passed to the German administration another 40,000 ha of the former Jewish land property- ku. After 18 months of enlistment, it became apparent that the faster and more efficient method was to acquire large ownership units, i.e. the assets of residual, state, church, and noble. Reinhard Hey-drich agreed with the prospect plan of confiscating the property of the Catholic Church and nobles and promised him full support. He should have even noted: We can quickly obtain a large amount of land for colonization purposes. If we confiscate a large number of small-scale farms, we will not get too much land, but we will create too many radical opposition between farmers. That is why it will be better to confiscate a small number of large-scale races, as we will gain many lands and several nobles will create no opposition.22 At that time, the Nazi administrative apparatus, even under the influence of von Neurath, was characterized by a more resolute attitude in relation to the nobility. This was also reflected in the persuasion event of the Gestapo and the upper Oberlandrats, the aim of which is to encourage a number of members of Czech nobility to voluntarily drink to German nationality. The Nazis were going to use the nobility, which accepted German jurisdiction or at least had German origin, for the gradual Germanisation of Bohemia and Moravia.23 According to some postwar indirect documents (e.g. me-moir literature references) this campaign was also affected by Děpold Czernina. Moreover, this procedure caused a reaction in the form of another, in the order of the third declaration of the Czech nobility of 1. September 1939, under which he signed not only Rudolf Děpold Czernin, but also his brother Humprecht.24 More than 80 representatives of noble families made a clear declaration to the Czech nation, although not all signatories were of Czech origin and not all of the signed were identical with the Czechoslovak state, its form and state establishment. They were associated with the persecution of nobles who, despite threats and coercion, refused to report to Germanism, and belonging to the endangered country, which was often their home for centuries. One of the passages mentioned by the passing of the national question directly touched: At the last census in the German Empire, membership of the nation was built on the basis of a voluntary confession. The relevant administrative regulations are based on the principle that everyone is responsible for the nation with which they feel connected and to which they are claiming. No doubt the German Reich authorities will follow this principle also in the local territory. In full agreement with the German nation, which asks all its members to carry out precisely all their responsibilities towards the national community, the Czech people and the Czech nobles are convinced of their consummate importance. Based on the conviction of the poison of our nation in all its components and especially that the descendants of former co-creators and carriers of Czech statehood can still serve their nation and their homeland in all conditions, they always want to report to the Czech nation.25 Heydrich set the goal of settlement as the main task of Bodenamtu. It was supposed to be to upset the single ethnicity of the Czech nation by violently creating the German language islands in the most densely populated parts of the Pro-Tectorate and thus to break the resistance of the people of the country.26 After taking up the role of representing the Reich's pro-Tektor, Heydrich did not forget his earlier idea of confiscating agricultural property to large land- foreowners, namely members of the nobles. His special decision from the beginning of 1942 passed under forced report of agriculture - 21 © Lízej Horejš, Miloš STOLLEOVÁ, Barbora: Economic nationalism in the Czech countries in the years 1938©1945. In: KUBŮ, Eduard © JANČÍK, Drahomír (eds.): Nationalism called economics. Clashes and matches about national emancipation/surpassion in Czech countries (1859©1945). 22 © NOVOTNÝ, Gustav: Confiscation and imposing forced administration on land property of large estates in the Czech lands in the time of non-freedom 1938©1945. In: RAŠTICOVÁ, Blanka (ed.): Czech and Slovak agriculture in the years of World War II. Proceedings of contributions from international confe rencence held on 17th and 18th April 1996. Study of the Slovak Museum 1. Slovácké muzeum Uherské Hradiště, Uherská Hradiste 1996, s. 52; ŠISLER, Stanislav: German colonization of the Czech countries in 1941©1942. Czech people, 1984, year 71, no. 4, p. 216©223. 23 About Horejš, Miloš: Nobleness and Nazi land policy in the Czech lands, p. 177©199. 24 © The youngest of the Czernin brothers Jan Nepomuk (1915©1967) added his signature. The relatives of the Jindřichohradecké line of the genus Edmund Czernin and Jan Pálffy were also signed on behalf of Dr. František Josef Czerninin. AKPR, f. D-important, Šlechta, k. 168, signed by D 3038/4, inv. no. 1124. 25 © Ibid., copy of the Declaration of the Czech Noblemen of September 1939. 26 © Closer Horejš, Miloš: Nobleness and Nazi land policy in the Czech countries, p. 177©199. PD_04_2014.indb 34 15.12.14 9:27