Czech nobility in Nazi occupation (small thought) © Zdeněk Hazdra
English Translation
34 but territorially, on the basis of historically formed state bodies.2 To the land and its inhabitants (formerly expressed by the relationship of the lord and the subject, later the owner of the estate and the living or working citizen) he held it in a sense of responsibility, defined by the principle of rights and obligations, from which he crystallized patriotism based on the Earth's, not the nationalist basis, typical of nationalism profiled in 19. The soil was the foundation of her life, rise, prestige and power for the nobles. Using the economic domains, she maintained her magnificent mansions and vital style, which for her in the late 19th and early 20th centuries became a bit of defence against modernization processes, which weakened her position. 3 After all, its internal division into the first, innumerable and rather closed society (aristocracy) and the second, less noble part of the noble community, into which newly nobilized citizens penetrated, but the ancient aristocratic families never accepted equals. Land reform of the first Czechoslovak state deprived the nobles of a significant part of the economic base, thereby disrupting the essence of which the nobility derived its identity.4 Its members were built before 2 In an interview with Karel Hvíždala, Karel Schwarzenberg talks about the soil as a positive foundation (like the peasants) of noble patriotism, which arises from this very relationship with the soil, while the state of burgherism - the patriotship of the defi - was related to the language, since the rise of this condition is, according to Schwarzeenberg, under the development of trade and education, which is always dependent on speech. Sv. HvíŽĎALA, Karel: Karel Jan Schwarzenberg. Kníží život, Praha ©Litomyšl 2002, p. 78. 3 SvětNÝ, Zdeněk: Too closed company, České Budějovice 2005. 4 The way of implementation of the land reform came across e.g. the efforts of Bedřich Lob- kowicz, who, right after the coup, tried to bring a number of young German nobles among the Czech nobility to obtain them both for nationality and for our state. For Lobkowicz, who believed that a good relationship with the nobility could not be harmful to the state, the government's plan to take over the border forests, which were almost exclusively owned by German nobles, would, as he feared, have been completely thwarted by his efforts. Lobkowicz received answers from an official of the presidential office who received the record that the owners themselves provoked this intention, because they suffered from the anti-state agitation of their staff...