English Translation

44 republics, so later on under the Nazi occupation: Max Lobkowicz was said to be a red prince, Jindřich Kolowrat, again earned the patronage of the copper Baťa, or agrarian socialist, and Zdeněk Boøk-Dohalský was referred to at the Gestapo as a red count. We mentioned individuals embodie a liberal democratic current in the framework of Czech-minded nobles. For Max Lobkowicz, Jindřich Kolowrat, František Schwarzenberg, who was only growing in the atmosphere of the first republic, or the Dohal brothers created new opportunities for interwar Czechoslovakia to apply in the field of politics, diplomacy or in the econo-micko-economic sphere. They understood that the world had changed. They were able to preserve the prestige of their name and they were equal to Dohals still behind Austria, part of the new elites. They know liberal democracy from the point of view of the free organization of society in the spirit of the Masaryk ideals of humanities. In a conservative sense, they were then aware of their roots and obligations towards the country and its citizens, which associated them with other nobles from the former state-law camp, who, for various reasons (economic-political, ideal and mental), were more difficult to adapt to conditions in the Czechoslovak Republic and needed longer time for adaptation. Historians and still have a great task to chart the fates of individual families in the context of the 1918 coup and their course during the interwar-in 20 years. Without such comprehensive analysis, it is not possible to draw sufficiently plasma and mainly to understand the positions of representatives of the Czech but also German-oriented nobility in the crisis moments when the Czechoslovak state lied to the Nazi threat. It takes critical analysis of each family and its individual members, to understand their ideas, traditional ways, economic backgrounds, political and human motives. Undoubtedly, a diverse mosaic of fates is spread before us, far more colorful than merely the schematic distribution of aristocracy into two camps: state-right and constitutional, respectively pro-Czech and pro-German. We already know some stories about the others, but we lack more accurate and deeper insight into many noble lives and their inner worlds. In our paper we present examples of families that either the Czechoslovak State accepted in its beginnings, or they either identified with it during its existence or at least accepted it. We do so for one fundamental reason, even though it may have features of anachronism. It is related to a more general relationship between the Czech society and the nobility.