STÁTNÍ TAJEMNÍK U ŘÍŠSKÉHO PROTEKTORA V ČECHÁCH A NA MORAVĚ, PRAHA, inv. 2607, sig. 109-12/255 Page 24 · 24 of 37
STATE SECRETARY FOR THE RUSSIAN PROTECTOR IN THINGS AND IN MORAVA, PRAGUE, inv. 2607, sig. 109-12/255
English Translation
In the course of the war 15a years a federal cooperative developed by equal opposition and, at best, a one-sided friendly attitude of Judaism to the Czech cause, whose fertility had been politically eroded and, for the sake of achieving the desired success, had been a sign of diplomatic arbitrariness by Benesch and Masaryk. However, this is contradicted by the shameful attempt of the post-war era to suppress the decisive Jewish aid in the Czech Revolutionary Council. Masaryk himself, however, has admitted the true motives, albeit in inexhaustible context, of his book "The World Revolution". It was Masaryk who already charged the Jewish world power at the time of the outbreak of the war in 1914 and tried to mobilize for the Czech cause. In all circumstances, he sought to prevent the threat of anti-Semitic riots in Prague by encouraging Jews to engage in personal restraint, and by intervention with the governor of Prague, Count Thun. Masaryk motivated these steps with the words: "I fear that riots against the Jews would work badly abroad and make my activity more difficult" (page 26). And a further fallacy is drawn, of course only by Czechs who seem politically unlearnable, namely that the parallelism of the Czech-Jewish alliance of emigration from once and today also closes the parallelity of political success today as one day. However, as in everyday life, the originality is usually a necessary prerequisite in politics as well. The essential copy of one-sided; at other times perhaps a useful method of work is all too easily doomed to failure and political failure with a constant work goal. In these basic facts lies all the inconsistency of the slogan "1918" issued by Benesch today, also for the Czech side. The world political situation and the war goal of Judaism until 1918 were different than in the present world struggles. They were politically in the direction of a securing of the Jewish diaspora throughout the world, which seemed most likely to be guaranteed in the desired state division of the Jews-satted Eastern Europe and the south-east, and which could be imposed as a basic constitutional policy by the peace conference, especially in newly established states such as Czecho-Slovakia. Political admissions and works of Jewish jurisprudence (in particular the book by Palestinian lawyer Dr. Nathan Feinberg on the Jewish question published in Paris in 1929 at the Peace Conference of 1919-1920) clearly show this line. On October 28, 1913, and a second time a few days before the outbreak of World War II, on July 28, 1914, the English government left the "United Jewish:7