STATE SECRETARY FOR THE RUSSIAN PROTECTOR IN THINGS AND IN MORAVA, PRAGUE, inv. 1984, sig. 109-6/76

Page 6

English Translation

- 4 - and that of the German, who is taken from the rest of the empire. It cannot escape the observer that this relationship creates bitterness on the part of the locals, even if it has without doubt emerged as a transitional state. In any case, the condition has led to the fact that the native Germans, who are in public services of the autonomous protectorate administration, have certain doubts about the unconditionally best-preserved regulation of their remuneration. The Germans in private services - it is mainly unemployees who seem to be worse off than the workers - and the self-employed professions are pessimistic and often close to the realization that, in the event of economic alignment, as the Protectorate is currently going through to the rest of the empire, prices are leading ahead and incomes and wages only come after them. The broad unity of Czech activity may somewhat paralyse the political momentum of the native Germans in this situation. However, it is not only the circumstances mentioned that must be blamed for the lack of political self-confidence of the protectorate Germans. It appears that there is also a wide range of business, social, but also the narrowest family relationship with the Czech population. Here, those Germans who have entered mixed marriages, for example, are to blame for this. As far as the second accusation, the alleged retaliation, is concerned, the native Germanism should be often misjudged here, too. The aversion of these Germans against the Czechs and their Wunkeh to hold down Czechism with all their might is probably to a lesser extent a call for retribution. It must be borne in mind that these Germans have known the political tenacity of the Czechs and their unreliability to others for generations, for the last phase of this struggle has not ever begun in the year l9l8, but already some time before l848; the last twenty years have only been particularly hard. e3lmy I would like to mention that in that group of the authorities of the Reichsprotector, which at least has to do with questions of popular politics, I found very little understanding in the economic group for the findingi dergböhmischen Germans. Here the accusation was made that these Germans had learned to think economically because of their political "ressidence" in this case. This is certainly wrong for them. It must be admitted that many Bohemian Germans have not yet got rid of the pressure of the past in the cup, as their present position as lords' people demands. The contrast I have shown here appears, so to speak, on two levels: On the deeper, more personal one, it is called: native Germans - Germans from the "Aitreich". This has already been mentioned, and I would just like to add as an illustration that as a guest of ëiner NSDAP local group, I was spontaneously asked to talk about what experiences "we" - namely, I am an East-Märker - would have had with the "Old Reich Germans" during the upheaval. It was already towards the end of my stay in Prague and I could therefore draw the comparison in detail and describe the conditions of the Protectorate as favourable, which apparently was not entirely agreed with. On the higher, factual level, the contrast appears in the form: Party - State, but not in questionable strength. The party in these cases is the ground-based element that better knows and wants to know the conditions and needs of the country, but it is inclined to see schematically functioning administrative jurists in the public authorities.